Publications
Publications in reversed chronological order.
online
- Going out and going green: NGOs in the environmental governance of Global ChinaLiu, Xiaofeng, and Bennett, Mia M.Eurasian Geography and Economics online
While the roles of actors such as the state and state-owned enterprises within “Global China” elicit significant scholarly attention, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are relatively less critiqued. These members of Chinese civil society are playing an increasingly important role in the environmental governance of the country’s overseas activities. By analyzing firsthand observations and interviews and secondhand materials produced by NGOs and the Chinese government, this article traces how and why Chinese NGOs seek to “green” China’s engagement beyond its borders. First, we identify four types of Chinese NGOs with a variety of state- and non-state founders. Then, we examine how NGOs’ objectives and state policies jointly shape the way they “go out.” As both knowledge and political actors, Chinese NGOs accumulate, produce, and disseminate knowledge related to Global China’s environmental issues, across domestic and international spaces. Though the specific strategies pursued by NGOs depend on their type, overall, their alignment with Chinese state policies and interests constitutes a crucial condition for their success. This research offers new insights into Chinese non-state actors’ expanding participation in international activities. As the country’s civil organizations endeavor to exert influence both within and beyond China’s borders, the effects of their interventions on global governance may grow.
2024
- Governing the Extraterritorial: Global Environmentalities of China’s Green Belt and Road InitiativeLiu, Xiaofeng, and Bennett, Mia M.Annals of the American Association of Geographers 2024
This article proposes a global environmentality framework to critique efforts to “green” the Belt and Road Initiative (or Green BRI) by examining the Chinese state’s environmental governance of extraterritorial spaces. The article transcends a focus within governmentality studies on domestic processes to reveal the relations between governance techniques and environmental subjects, including state and nonstate actors, beyond sovereign borders. Drawing on interviews, observations, and analysis of policies and reports, we identify three ways in which global environmentalities operate and are negotiated through the Green BRI. First, the Chinese state is embracing international sustainable development criteria to gain global legitimacy while seeking to export its domestic environmental governance model, making the Green BRI a dialectic policy. Second, the state is targeting and disciplining BRI participants, including Chinese financial institutions, construction companies, the renewable industry, and foreign state actors in BRI countries. Third, Chinese and BRI partner country participants’ variegated subjectivities arise out of the negotiation of their own interests, Chinese state interests, and BRI host country concerns. Our analysis contributes to understanding of how China, as a rising power, engages in global environmental governance and produces extraterritorial environmental subjects. 本文提出了全球环境主义框架, 在此框架下研究中国政府对域外空间的环境治理, 评判了“绿化”“一带一路”倡议(绿色“一带一路”倡议)。本文超越国内治理术研究, 涵盖了主权国界之外的国家和非国家行为者, 揭示了治理技术与环境主体之间的关系。通过采访、观察、政策和报告分析, 本文确定了全球环境主义的运作、基于绿色“一带一路”倡议进行协商的三种方式。首先, 中国政府正在接受可持续发展国际标准, 以获得全球合法性, 并寻求输出国内环境治理模式, 使绿色“一带一路”倡议成为一项辩证的政策。第二, 中国正在针对并约束“一带一路”倡议的参与者, 包括中国金融机构、建筑公司、可再生能源企业、“一带一路”倡议国家的外国行为者。第三, 中国和“一带一路”倡议伙伴国的各种主观性, 源自于自身利益、中国利益和“一带一路”倡议东道国考量的谈判。我们的分析有助于理解中国作为一个新兴大国, 如何参与全球环境治理并带来域外环境问题。
2023
- The biopolitics of Chinese tourism governance in the ArcticIaquinto, Benjamin Lucca, Bennett, Mia M., and Liu, XiaofengGeografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography 2023
Scholarly attention to China’s domestic experimentation and control measures applied to its population (e.g. the Family Planning Policy and Zero-Covid) has expanded. So, too, has the popularity of the Foucauldian concept of biopolitics, which refers to political strategies of governing based on a population’s biological features. However, China’s biopolitical rationales for its growing participation in global governance (全球治理 quanqiu zhili) beyond its borders have received less attention. This research focuses on the Arctic, a region where China does not claim territorial sovereignty but has significant involvement, to examine the Chinese state’s exertion of biopolitical control over its outbound tourist population. Drawing on a review of policy texts and media reports, complemented by observations at an Arctic conference held in China and three field visits to the Arctic in 2018–2019, we show how China’s interventions in Arctic tourism seek to transform Chinese tourists into a productive, self-disciplining population who practice and promote state logics of social and environmental responsibility. The paper contributes to the understanding of tourism governance in frontier regions with geopolitical significance, as well as the modern state’s exterritorial power over its own citizens even when they are beyond its sovereign territory.
2022
- China’s Water Governmentality and the Shaping of Hydrosocial Territories: A Case of the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation MechanismWang, Yu Raymond, Liu, Xiaofeng, and Zhang, WenyaThe China Quarterly 2022
This paper examines China’s water governmentality in advancing the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation (LMC). It attends to how discourses, used as a political instrument, are framed, justified and contested in the reshaping of international hydrosocial territories. China’s official and popular discourses present the LMC as promoting multilateral politics, economic benefits and social integration, while they obscure polarizing politics, external interventions and regional conflicts. Using strategies of positive publicity first, top-down communication and mutual empathy creation, these discourses aim to deflect attention away from controversies and geopolitics in the region to construct governable hydrosocial territories. However, in a transnational context where the Chinese state cannot unilaterally control geographical imaginaries, alternative discourses depict China as a “hydro-hegemon” that poses threats to downstream countries. The discursive dichotomy reflects multiple ontologies of water and power struggles in international river governance, bringing regional stability and sustainable development into question.
- 非政府组织如何影响中国在柬埔寨投资项目?——基于地缘社会的解析 How do Non-governmental Organizations influence China’s investment projects in Cambodia? A geosocial analysisLiu, Xiaofeng, 王雨, , 胡志丁, , 葛岳静, , and 黄宇,人文地理 2022
随着中国对外交流的日益频繁和“一带一路”倡议对“民心相通”的强调，针对地缘社会中各种行为体的研究需求愈发迫切。柬埔寨被认为是“一带一路”国际合作的新样板，但中国在此的项目也并非一帆风顺，地缘社会因素在其中发挥着重要作用，而非政府组织是当地地缘社会中的一个关键行为体和核心要素。因此，本文以柬埔寨的非政府组织为例，基于实地调研获取的观察和访谈以及二手文献资料和数据，考察中国在柬埔寨的柴阿润水电站项目中当地非政府组织的影响及其得以形成的机制因素。解析地缘社会环境可以帮助识别中国行为体在“走出去”过程中可能面临的社会风险因素，推动海外项目在当地社会顺利落地和融入。Following the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China has multiplied its international contacts and seen the necessity of people-to-people exchanges. Inspecting the BRI through a geosocial lens is thus crucial. Although Cambodia is regarded as a model for BRI international cooperation, China’s infrastructure projects here have encountered many difficulties with geosocial factors playing key roles. Among the factors, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) are crucial links connecting various geosocial actors and elements. Against the backdrop, this paper utilizes fieldwork interviews and observations and secondhand materials to investigate the roles of NGOs in Cambodia in the suspension of Chay Areng hydropower dam project. We first depict the basic characteristics of the NGOs in Cambodia. Then we examine how they generally operate and influence China’s projects in Cambodia. Last but not least, we reveal the factors determining the formation of these influences.
- 水—社会领域视角下的国际河流治理 International river governance through the lens of “hydrosocial territories”王雨, , 张文雅, , and Liu, Xiaofeng人文地理 2022
国际河流的经济、社会、生态等多重属性使之成为重要的地缘政治议题。现实主义和制度主义分析容易陷入“领域陷阱”，难以充分呈现中微观层面的多元主体互动以及权力结构和自然要素的相互塑造过程。本文在政治地理学辩证性和关系性的思维基础上，介绍“水—社会领域”概念框架的基本特征及其在国际河流治理中的运用。该框架从权力—空间关系的视角出发，包含多元尺度、多维空间、关系网络和领域建构等分析维度。研究认为，国际河流治理是领域（再）生产的过程，水资源是治理过程不可分割的组成部分，自然与社会具有相互建构的辩证关系。将政治地理学的核心概念“领域”运用于水治理研究中，重新建构本体论和认识论，对国际河流治理的地缘关系解析具有独特的地理学价值和意义。The governance of international river is an important geopolitical issue due to its economic, social and ecological attributes. Most existing research approaches this subject from the perspectives of realism and institutionalism, which mainly focus on water-related conflicts and cooperation among different sovereign nations. Hegemonic stability and hydro-hegemony are salient theoretical examples that were conceived and developed under realistic and institutional thinking. Based on the dialectical and relational thinking of political geography, this article reviews the theoretical discussions and controversies of international river governance. It introduces the conceptual framework of"hydrosocial territories"and its application in the geopolitical analysis of international rivers. This framework investigates the spatial deployment of power and explores the natural-society relationship from four previously underexamined analytical dimensions. First, power exercises apply at multiple scales and involve interconnections and interdependence across scales. Second, the deployment of power exists in physical, institutional, and representational spaces that jointly shape rules, narratives, and meanings of water. Third, the essence of water governance is defined by relationship networks that include and exclude different actors. Last, hydrosocial territories are fluid, constructed, and contested, encapsulating diverse forms of power exercises.
- 国际水政治研究进展与政治地理学展望 A review of transboundary hydropolitical research and a political geographical outlook张文雅, , Liu, Xiaofeng, and 王雨,地理研究 2022
国际河流因涉及国家间的资源归属和主权事务而具有强烈的政治属性。尽管国际水政治相关的权力和空间议题已成为国际学界的热点之一，但尚未在国内政治地理学者中得到充分关注。结合质性系统性综述与文献计量学方法，对1990—2020 年Web of Science 核心合集中235 篇与CNKI数据库中158 篇国际水政治文章进行回顾。结果表明，国际水政治研究呈现多学科介入的特点，中文研究侧重国际关系和国际法议题，英文研究则以政治地理学和政治生态学为主要理论基础。总体而言，在水冲突与合作、话语批判、水-社会关系三大研究主题下，既有研究不仅通过多元主体和话语建构回应“领域陷阱”的局限性，还从辩证和关系视角丰富水的本体论和认识论，从而推进了国际水政治的研究议程。本文认为，政治地理学者可从空间、领域、尺度等角度进一步深化国际水政治研究，为全球治理和可持续发展贡献地理学的理论和思考。Transboundary water governance is an important geopolitical issue because it is associated with states′ natural resources ownership and sovereignty. Although the spatial politics of the transboundary watersheds have attracted considerable attention in Western academia, the research from domestic political geographers remains scant. To better capture the research trends and themes of transboundary hydropolitics, this study conducts qualitative systematic and bibliometrics-based literature reviews on 235 English articles from the Web of Science Core Collection and 158 Chinese articles from the CNKI database between 1990 and 2020. It shows that transboundary hydropolitics research is highly interdisciplinary. The English literature mainly covers geography, critical geopolitics and political ecology, while Chinese studies primarily draw on international relations and international law. Both English and Chinese researchers have paid the most attention to water cooperation and conflicts. Whereas such topics as "space", "territory", and "state" have gained popularity in English studies, Chinese articles are more concerned about water diplomacy and other issues of reality. Water cooperation and conflicts, critical and discursive analysis, and hydro- social relations jointly constitute three pillars of transboundary hydropolitics research. The research on the first topic evolved from a conflict- cooperation dualism to the transboundary water interaction, highlighting the power asymmetries, actions and strategies among the countries. However, this line of inquiry is subject to the "territorial trap" due to its state- centricity and statist understanding of sovereignty. Against this backdrop, critical hydropolitics and securitization theory have examined multiscalar actors′ representative, discursive, and imaginative practices, which provides a more subtle and dynamic analysis of power relations. Moreover, the realist thinking of water conflict and cooperation research has given rise to the dichotomy of nature and society, which treats water as the object of interstate competition. Drawing on a dialectical and relational ontology of water, some political ecologists and political geographers investigated the hydro- social relations via the frameworks of the waterscape, hydro- social cycle, hydro-social territories, etc. This research assists in analyzing the spatial deployment of power and the mutual construction process of power and nature. We argue that political geographers may contribute to the geopolitical analysis of the international river by engaging in the discussion of space, territory, and scale.
- The geopolitics of knowledge communities: Situating Chinese and foreign studies of the Green Belt and Road InitiativeLiu, Xiaofeng, and Bennett, MiaGeoforum 2022
Geographers are paying increasing attention to the geopolitics of knowledge production. China has attracted particular interest given the state’s professed goal of becoming a scientific power. Little research, however, has attended to the politics of scientific research relating to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Instead, a focus on the discourses and environmental impacts of infrastructure projects is paramount. Understanding the situated nature of research on the BRI, particularly within the environmental sciences, is crucial considering the Chinese state’s ambitions to become a global scientific power and a leader in green energy and climate change. We carry out a systematic review of 537 publications in Chinese and English on the Green BRI, an ostensibly more environmentally-friendly version of the initiative. We find four main research themes across the entire corpus: 1) environmental impact assessments; 2) empirical analysis of non-state actors involved in Green BRI governance; 3) identification of overseas commercial opportunities for China’s green industries; and 4) detection of policy alignment of the Chinese initiative with the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals. For each theme, we articulate the main cleavages separating the Chinese and foreign corpuses and critique the geopolitics and subjectivities embedded in environmental studies of the BRI. The two corpuses agree on: 1) the need for a greener BRI; 2) the need for more diversified governance that engages actors beyond the state; and 3) the ability for host country context and capacity to influence the BRI’s implementation. The corpuses disagree regarding: 1) the severity of the initiative’s potential impacts; 2) investors’ and non-profit organizations’ intentions and appropriate roles; and 3) whether China should export its norms and standards or instead adopt international ones. We attribute these cleavages to divergent implicit geopolitics embedded within the Chinese and foreign knowledge communities, which reflects broader interstate power competition. This research underscores how knowledge production is geopolitically situated even within environmental studies, which are often viewed as objective. At a time of heightening international tension, this article urges consideration of how emerging geopolitical ideas and narratives affect the practices and policies of science in rising powers.
- Bridging the gap between GRACE and GRACE-FO using a hydrological modelZhang, Xu, Li, Jinbao, Dong, Qianjin, Wang, Zifeng, Zhang, Han, and Liu, XiaofengScience of The Total Environment 2022
Gravity Recovery and Climate Experiment (GRACE) and GRACE Follow-On (GRACE-FO), two successive satellite-based missions starting in 2002, have provided an unprecedented way of measuring global terrestrial water storage anomalies (TWSA). However, a temporal gap exists between GRACE and GRACE-FO products from July 2017 to May 2018, which introduces bias and uncertainties in TWSA calculations and modeling. Previous studies have incorporated hydroclimatic factors as predictors for filling the gap, but most of them utilized artificial intelligence or pure statistical models that generally de-trended TWSA and had no physical foundation. Thus, a physically-based reconstruction is required for increasing robustness. In this study, we bridge the temporal gap by developing an empirical hydrological model. The “abcd” model, a T-based snow component, and linear correction are utilized to represent runoff generation, snow dynamics, and long-term trends. The testing results indicate that our hydrological model can successfully reconstruct TWSA in tropical, temperature, and continental climates, although further improvement is needed for arid climates. Our reconstruction for the gap achieves high accuracy and robustness as shown by the evaluations against sea-level budget and GLDAS-derived TWSA. Compared to previous studies using artificial intelligence or statistical techniques, our hydrological model performs similarly in the gap filling but does not involve de-trended or de-seasonalized transformations, which will facilitate the combination of GRACE and GRACE-FO products and improve the physical understanding of global TWSA.
2021
- 跨域水治理中的尺度重构: 以东江为例 Rescaling of inter-jurisdictional water governance: A case study of the Dongjiang RiverLiu, Xiaofeng, 张文雅, , 程小兰, , 王雨, , and 葛岳静,世界地理研究 2021
水治理往往呈现地理空间上的跨区域性、组织制度上的多层级性以及管理单位上的跨部门性等多尺度特征。本文以珠江水系干流之一——东江的水资源跨域分配、开发与保护等治理过程为例，采用“物质-组织-表达”的尺度框架，分析了在不同的历史时期，东江水资源相关政策从出台到执行过程中所经历的多次尺度重构。主要结论如下：（1）总体上，国家在东江水供港和流域生态补偿政策等跨域水治理政策出台和执行过程的各个阶段都掌握着主导权，同时各级政府、民众和相关团体组织等也开展针对东江用水的尺度争夺。（2）物质空间上，随着时间的推移和社会政治背景的变迁，东江水治理在政治尺度和生态尺度之间切换并存。（3）组织空间上，横向和纵向的尺度重构在东江水跨域开发和治理的过程中同时发生。（4）话语表达空间上，国家和地方的众多行为体都在尝试塑造针对东江水治理的话语，这些话语将不同的主体纳入到东江水开发与治理的框架之内或将其排除在外，实现尺度的重组。Taking the inter-jurisdictional water governance of the Dongjiang River basin as an example, this paper explores scalar reconstructions in the material space, organizational space and discursive space over the course of policy formulation and implementation. Major findings are as follows: 1) Overall, the central government dominates formulation and implementation of water governance policies in the Dongjiang River basin. Meanwhile, sub-national governments, public groups and other relevant organizations are also engaged in the competition of scalar construction. 2) In material space, the focal scale of water governance in the Dongjiang River has shifted and co-existed between the political and ecological scales.3) In organizational space, the horizontal and vertical scalar reconstruction of the Dongjiang River water governance policies occurred simultaneously in the process of policy formulation and implementation.4) In discursive space, various actors at national and local scales are trying to shape their own discourses on the Dongjiang River water governance. These discourses include and exclude certain subjects into and from the framework of policy implementation, by which scalar reorganization is achieved.
- How Trust and Risk Perception Affect Household Water UseWang, Raymond Yu, and Liu, XiaofengOxford Research Encyclopedia of Global Public Health 2021
Household water use accounts for an important portion of water consumption. Notably, different households may behave differently regarding how water is used in everyday life. Trust and risk perception are two significant psychological factors that influence water use behavior in households. Since trust and risk perception are malleable and subject to construction, they are useful for developing effective demand management strategies and water conservation policies. The concepts of trust and risk perception are multidimensional and interconnected. Risk perception varies across social groups and is often shaped by subjective feelings toward a variety of activities, events, and technologies. Risk perception is also mediated by trust, which involves a positive expectation of an individual, an organization, and/or an institution that derives from complex processes, characteristics, and competence. Likewise, different social groups’ trust in various entities involved in household water use is subject to the significant and far-reaching impact of risk perception. The complexity of the two notions poses challenges to the measurement and exploration of their effects on household water use. In many cases, risk perception and trust can influence people’s acceptance of water sources (e.g., tap water, bottled water, recycled water, and desalinated water) and their conservation behavior (e.g., installing water-saving technologies and reducing water consumption) in household water use. Trust can affect household water use indirectly through its influence on risk perception. Moreover, trust and risk perception in household water use are neither given nor fixed; rather, they are dynamically determined by external, internal, and informational factors. A coherent, stable, transparent, and fair social and institutional structure is conducive to building trust. However, trust and risk perception differ among groups with diverse household and/or individual demographic, economic, social, and cultural characteristics. Direct information from personal experiences and, more importantly, indirect information from one’s social network, as well as from mass media and social media, play an increasingly important role in the formation and evolution of trust and risk perception, bringing a profound impact on household water use in an era of information. Future directions lie in new dynamics of risk perception and trust in the era of information explosion, the coevolution mechanism of risk perception and trust in household water use, the nuanced impacts of different types of risks (e.g., controllable and uncontrollable) on household water use, and the interactive relations of risk perception and trust across geographical contexts.
2020
- Viral borders: COVID-19’s effects on securitization, surveillance, and identity in Mainland China and Hong KongLiu, Xiaofeng, and Bennett, Mia MDialogues in Human Geography 2020
As COVID-19 spreads, new processes, forms, and scales of bordering practices are transcending national territorial limits. This commentary critiques how ‘viral borders’ are securitizing the global supply chains of medical products, disciplining citizens, and reterritorializing communities and contemplates the consequences of these practices for the post-pandemic era.
- 基于流量数据的中美两国与东北亚地缘经济关系研究 Geo-economic relations of China and the US in Northeast Asia: An analysis based on flow data马腾, , 葛岳静, , 黄宇, , Liu, Xiaofeng, 林荣平, , and 胡志丁,ACTA GEOGRAPHICA SINICA 2020
由于全球化和市场经济在全球范围内得到普遍认可,在各类地缘关系中地缘经济关系成为最活跃也是研究最多的一类。本文从中国与东北亚各国地缘经济研究现状入手,基于流量数据建立地缘流势模型来探寻地缘经济复杂关系背后的规律性因素,并通过对比中美两国与东北亚的地缘经济关系分析其驱动机制,得出如下结论：① 2000—2016年中国与东北亚地缘经济联系不断加强,其中贸易联系明显强于投资联系,但投资联系在2012年后得到了飞速的发展。② 中国与东北亚地区的总体经济流势呈现上升态势,其中贸易流势起主导作用,中美地缘经济流势表现最强、增速最快,中国对日、韩两国的地缘经济流势强度不断显现,中俄、中蒙、中朝三股地缘经济流势虽然近年来不断增长但对区域整体地缘经济关系影响有限。③ 中美两国与东北亚的地缘经济流势均呈现出波动上升的趋势,并在国家关系分布上较为一致;两国在地缘经济差异主要体现在两个方面：一是驱动因素不同,中国以贸易关系为主而美国主要依赖投资驱动;二是空间分布差异开始显现,美国与东北亚的地缘经济关系越来越集中于中、日、韩三国,而中国与俄、蒙、朝三国联系开始不断加强。 With the advancement of globalization and market economy, geo-economic relation has increasingly attracted scholars’ attentions. Trade data, including import and export flows, has dominated the geo-economy research owing to its availability and representativeness. However, this might incline geo-economy research toward trade studies and disregard the importance of other international economic components, such as investment. Combining investment and trade data in doing geo-economic analysis could provide us with a more comprehensive understanding of economic relations between countries. Taking China, the US and Northeast Asian countries as an example, this paper explores the patterns of geo-economic relations between these countries, inspects the driving forces and formation mechanism of the patterns, and also makes comparison between China and the US. As a typical region with unbalanced politics and economy and greatly influenced by both China and the US, Northeast Asia can be a salient sample for geo-economic research. A geo-economic streaming potential model is proposed to evaluate comprehensive geo-economic relations which take into account both trade and investment. The conclusions are as follows. First, from 2000 to 2016, the geo-economic relations between China and Northeast Asian countries were strengthened, during which trade flow constantly occupied the dominating position. However, since 2012, the proportion of investment in geo-economy has increased rapidly. Second, the geo-economic flows between China and the US were the strongest with the fastest growth. The geo-economic flows between China and Japan, South Korea were increasing, while those between China and Russia, Mongolia and North Korea had limited influence. Third, both China and the US had expanding geo-economic flows with Northeast Asian countries and similar distribution pattern. Two major differences are also noted. One is that driving forces are different with China’s geo-economic relations driven by trade flows and those of the US driven by investment. The other difference is that China’s connections with Russia, Mongolia and North Korea have been strengthened while the US has been trying to maintain strong geo-economic relations with Japan and South Korea.
- 中国与中亚地区贸易与商品格局分析赵亚博, , Liu, Xiaofeng, and 葛岳静,经济地理 2020
中亚地区是“一带一路”倡议的关键枢纽地段，贸易合作是“一带一路”倡议的重要内容，能源是中国与中亚地区贸易的关键领域，因此有必要深入认识中国与中亚地区贸易中细分的商品和能源类别格局。文章从联合国商品贸易数据库获取相关数据，采用SITC Rev. 3的商品分类方法，按照贸易合作、商品格局、能源结构的逻辑顺序层层深入，分析中国与中亚地区1992—2017年的贸易与商品格局。研究发现：①中国与中亚地区的贸易合作持续推进，中国总体处于贸易顺差地位；②中国从中亚地区主要进口初级产品和自然资源密集型产品，而对中亚地区主要出口工业制成品；③中国从中亚地区进口的能源产品以石油和天然气为主，国别上主要集中在哈萨克斯坦和土库曼斯坦，前者以石油为主，后者天然气占主导，空间上主要集中在西部的滨里海盆地、南部的滨阿姆河盆地等区域。
2019
- Aligning the freshwater health index indicator system against the transboundary water governance framework of Southeast Asia’s Sesan, Srepok, and Sekong River BasinLiu, Xiaofeng, Souter, Nicholas J, Wang, Raymond Yu, and Vollmer, DerekWater 2019
Indicator systems can improve water governance by integrating and simplifying data on water resources. However, to our knowledge, no indicator systems have been comprehensively assessed against the water governance framework within which they operate. We assess the policy relevance of the Freshwater Health Index (FHI) to the governance frameworks of Lao PDR, Cambodia, and Viet Nam. These governance frameworks were chosen because the FHI has been applied to the transboundary Sesan, Srepok, and Sekong (3S) river basin, which traverses the three nations. We conduct an institutional analysis, assessing the FHI indicators against each nation’s relevant laws, plans, policies and strategies, as well as international agreements. The FHI indicators varied in their alignment with the 3S’s transboundary water governance framework. Ecosystem Vitality indicators, which measure environmental health, tended to show a greater alignment than Ecosystem Service indicators. The Governance and Stakeholders indicators, which assess aspects of the governance system, were highly relevant. Comparing the 3S FHI assessment results to the water governance framework provided a case for delivering environmental flows and headwater reforestation, and improving biodiversity protection and fish passage. The generally close alignment of FHI metrics with the 3S’s water governance frameworks shows that the FHI is a policy-relevant tool.
- 非国家行为体的地缘政治空间影响及实现路径 Spatial impacts of the geopolitics of non-state actors and their formation pathwaysLiu, Xiaofeng, 葛岳静, , 胡伟, , 黄宇, , and 马腾,地理科学进展 2019
全球治理背景下,国家仍是国际社会最重要行为体,但非国家行为体作为重要的国际活动参与者也逐渐成为不可忽视的力量。在地理学框架中深入探讨非国家行为体的地缘政治角色,可以更加系统地理解“一带一路”建设中的多元地缘关系。论文依据地理学尺度思想梳理了非国家行为体的概念和分类,并归纳其地缘政治空间影响及实现途径,以期在理论上完善对地缘政治主体的研究,搭建非国家行为体的地缘政治认识框架,实践上指导中国“一带一路”等对外合作的开展。主要结论包括：① 非国家行为体没有动摇国家主权的决定性地位,但在世界政治中仍发挥着不可替代的独特作用,一是作为国家力量的拓展,二是对传统的国家边界、主权有空间上的突破;② 在国际事务上,非国家行为体与国家的互动及相关行为对国际安全、制度、认知和权力空间既产生了积极作用,也造成了一定损害和威胁;③ 非国家行为体通过参与和维护全球治理,塑造地缘政治想象与认同,以及调节和重塑地缘政治空间边界三种方式实现地缘政治影响。因此,为更好地服务“一带一路”建设,需要从不同角度分析非国家行为体的影响,通过与之加强对话、开展合作,合理管理、警惕部分非国家行为体的威胁以及培育鼓励中国的非国家行为体等多种方式应对其潜在影响。 With the emergence of global governance, non-state actors have increasingly attracted attentions around the world as a key participant of governance, although nation state is still the most important actor. As the Belt and Road initiative being promoted around the world, it becomes unavoidable to deal with the relationship with numerous non-state actors along the road. Many disputes between Chinese enterprises and foreign stakeholders are embedded in the complex social relations, which cannot be completely solved through official agreements or negotiations between the states. But non-state actors play an irreplaceable role in the generation and settlement of these problems. Geopolitics, particularly critical geopolitical theories (a key branch of geopolitics), and global governance theories have emphasized studies of diverse actors and their interpretation of international affairs, raising the necessity to examine the role and influence of non-state actors. Therefore, it is necessary to inspect their roles. However, the research on the geopolitics of non-state actors is under-developed, especially lacking the thinking from a spatial perspective. This article examines the impacts and the pathways of influence of non-state actors on the basis of existing studies to provide some references for understanding the role of non-state actors. First, this article examines the conception and classification of non-state actors. Then their geopolitical influences in space and pathways of these influences are explored, aiming to improve the framework for understanding non-state actors theoretically and instruct China’s international cooperation in practice. We drew conclusions as follows. First, although non-state actors have not shaken the status of nation state on the world stage, they do have unique and irreplaceable roles to play in many issues. They not only act as the extension of states or governments on some occasions, but also make a breakthrough on traditional national border and territory. Second, they have both positive and negative impacts in the process of interacting with state actors in international spaces. The impact can be understood by the question that how non-state actors participate to change the security space, the institution space, the perception space, and the power space in the world. Third, the main approaches that non-state actors adopt comprise participating in and maintaining global governance, molding geopolitical imagination and perception, as well as adjusting the geopolitical space and borders. At last, drawn from what is found above, this article puts forward that in the ongoing global processes, Chinese government and enterprises need to attach importance to the power of various non-state actors and the coordination of their relations. When dealing with the relationship with them, it is counterproductive to simply define them as collaborators or challengers of the state actors. This article also proposes some ways to cope with the potential impacts of non-state actors, such as enhancing dialogue, expanding cooperation, improving management, staying alert of possible threats, and encouraging China’s non-state actors to participate in international affairs actively.
- Energy relations between China and the countries along the Belt and Road: An analysis of the distribution of energy resources and interdependence relationshipsZhao, Yabo, Liu, Xiaofeng, Wang, Shaojian, and Ge, YuejingRenewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews 2019
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) forms the core of China’s foreign policy and future foreign cooperation, and energy cooperation is an important component of the BRI. Energy security is closely related to the interdependent relations between countries. The present paper investigates energy interdependent relations between China and the countries along the Belt and Road using data collected in the BP Statistical Review of World Energy, between 2000 and 2015. The main results are as follows: (1) Abundant proven reserves of energy resources exist in these countries, which were equivalent to 758.73 billion tons of standard coal in 2015, accounting for 52.27% of the world. The distribution of these resources presents a pattern with two centers—one in Russia, and one in West Asia and the Middle East. (2) Established interdependence relations exist between China and the countries along the Belt and Road in terms of energy cooperation. China has imported 437.21 million tons of standard coal from these countries and their guarantee degree to China’s energy security is 58.42%, of which 13.56% refers to coal, 73.37% to oil, and 13.06% to gas. Meanwhile, their dependence degree in energy exports to China was 13.56%, or 11.15% for coal, 14.92% for oil, and 10.55% for gas. An interdependence relation thus exists between China and these countries, and the degree of mutual dependence between them was 0.23 (0.22 for coal, 0.13 for oil, and 0.38 for gas), locating China in a relatively passive position with respect to the countries along the Belt and Road as a whole, but a relatively active position in relation to individual countries (with the exception of Russia). Our findings are useful to the tasks of identifying the spatial distribution pattern of energy in countries along the Belt and Road, assisting in the promotion of energy cooperation between China and these countries, and the future construction of the BRI.
- 基于库仑引力模型的中美日地缘经济关系测算 Calculation of the geoeconomic relationships between China, the USA and Japan based on Coulomb force model黄宇, , 葛岳静, , and Liu, XiaofengACTA GEOGRAPHICA SINICA 2019
冷战结束后,地缘经济成为影响国际关系的重要因素,国家间由于自然条件、资源禀赋、经济结构等不同形成了竞争型或合作型的地缘经济关系,在经济冲突加剧的地缘经济时代,如何平衡国家间的经济竞争与合作是当今国际关系的重要课题。本文以中美日三国2007-2016年为例,借鉴库仑引力的思想,引入地缘经济合作强度的概念和测度方法,探讨国家间地缘经济竞争与合作的规律,在考虑距离因素的基础上,分产品、进口和出口,准确地刻画了国家间经济合作或竞争的强弱程度。测算结果表明：① 中美日三国的地缘经济合作强度多为负值,三国总体上竞争大于合作,且日本与其他两国的竞争相比于中美之间的竞争更加明显;② 从贸易产品类型来看,三国间的矿物燃料、车辆、电机及设备零部件、机械设备等产品地缘经济合作强度的影响远大于其他产品类型,是决定三国间地缘经济关系的主要产品类型;③ 三国间石油类产品的地缘经济合作强度是所有产品中最小的,对海外石油资源的争夺是中美日三国地缘经济竞争关系中的决定性因素。 Geoeconomics has become one of the most important factors of international relationship since the end of the Cold War. Different nations have formed competitive or cooperative geoeconomic relationships because of their different natural conditions, resource endowments, and economic structures. Hence, it is important to balance the economic competition and cooperation between nations in the geoeconomic era of heightened economic conflict. This paper aims to explore the rule of competitive or cooperative geoeconomic relationships between nations by taking China, the USA and Japan as examples, and the recent 10 years (2007-2016) as a study period. As the major powers of the Pacific region, the geoeconomic relationships between China, the USA, and Japan have a strong connection with the development of the Pacific region and even the global economy. This paper builds the concept and measurement of geoeconomic cooperative intensity, inspired by the thought of the Coulomb force of physics. Compared with the previous measure, the method of geoeconomic cooperative intensity exactly portrays the degree of competitive or cooperative geoeconomic relationships between nations owing to its consideration of distance factor, production type factor, as well as the import and export volume. The results show that: (1) The geoeconomic relationship as a whole is more competitive than cooperative between China, the USA and Japan, while almost all the separate results are negative between the three nations. And Japan is more competitive with the other two nations than the competition between China and the USA; (2) In terms of the detailed products types, mineral fuels, vehicles, motors and equipment parts, and mechanical equipment generally determine the characteristics of the geoeconomic relationship among three nations, since these products have far greater influence on the geoeconomic relations than other products; (3) The cooperative intensity of oil resource between China, the USA and Japan is the smallest among all the products. In other words, the oil resource is the most influential product. Therefore, the competition of the overseas oil resource will be a decisive factor in the economic competition among China, the USA and Japan.
- 中国与中亚地区地缘经济关联度的时空演变与类型划分 The spatio-temporal evolution and type division of geo-economic correlation degree between China and Central Asia赵亚博, , 胡志丁, , 葛岳静, , and Liu, Xiaofeng世界地理研究 2019
中亚地区是"一带一路"倡议的重要组成区域,地缘经济是"一带一路"倡议的重要合作内容,研究中国与中亚地区的地缘经济关联度对于促进双方合作具有重要意义。文章基于世界银行的数据,运用引力模型法对中国与中亚地区地缘经济关联度的时空演变特征进行了分析,并归纳了双方地缘经济关联度的不同类型。结果表明:(1)中国与中亚地区的地缘经济关联度总体呈快速增长态势,但不同国家间差异显著,并可以2005年为界分为平稳变化阶段和快速增长阶段;(2)中国与中亚地区地缘经济关联度的空间分布格局呈现出稳中有变的特征,哈萨克斯坦及塔吉克斯坦的格局较为稳定,而其余三国则相对多变;(3)中国与中亚地区的地缘经济关联度可划分为高度关联型、中度关联型和低度关联型。研究对于厘清中国与中亚地区的地缘经济关联度及不同类型、推动双方的地缘经济合作及"一带一路"建设具有一定的积极意义。 Central Asia is an important component of the Belt and Road initiative(BRI) and the geo-economic is an important part of the BRI, so it has great significance to study the geo-economic correlation degree between China and Central Asia in promoting cooperation and development. Based on the data obtained from World Bank, this paper applied the gravitational model to analyze the spatio-temporal evolution of geo-economic correlation degree between China and Central Asia form 1992-2015, and summed up the different types of geo-economic correlation degree between them. The main results are following:(1) The geo-economic correlation degree between China and Central Asia has shown a rapid growth trend, but the differences between different countries are significant, and it can be divided into a stable change phase and a rapid growth phase of which the year of 2005 is inflection point.(2) The spatial distribution pattern of geo-economic correlation degree between China and Central Asia is characterized by stability with change, and the pattern of Kazakhstan and Tajikistan is relatively stable, while the other three countries are relatively variable.(3) The geo-economic correlation degree between China and Central Asia can be divided into 3 types, for highly correlated, moderately correlated and lowly correlated, of which including Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, respectively. This study might have a positive significance in clarifying the geo-economic correlation degree and different types between China and Central Asia, promoting geo-economic cooperation between the two sides, and building the BRI.
- 美国地缘环境解析及其对中国的启示胡伟, , Liu, Xiaofeng, 葛岳静, , 胡志丁, , 刘文新, , and 党琴,科技导报 2019
基于地缘环境理论，构建了地缘环境解析框架，从地理环境、地缘关系、地缘结构和地缘空间4个层次对美国地缘环境的动态变化进行了系统的解析。地理环境赋予美国有利的地理位置、优越的地理条件、绝对的地缘优势和拥有世界权力的可能。美国的地缘关系在其发展过程中呈现出对抗、竞争、合作、同盟等多种形式。地缘结构具有重要功能，倒三角结构、多极结构、两极结构、一超多强结构带给美国地缘政治、地缘经济、地缘文化等方面的地位、权力和利益，美国面对中国崛起的地缘理念结构亟需更新。美国主要的地缘空间横跨北美洲、亚洲及欧洲，可划分为腹地、核心地缘空间、海洋地缘空间和外围地缘支点。进入21世纪，美国的国内、国际环境正在发生深刻变化，其对外关系与地缘战略也呈现出新一轮的变动和调整，以适应新的地缘环境。中国在和平崛起过程中可以通过建设潜在的印度洋通道、构建互利共赢的“朋友圈”、制定自身发展的地缘战略等手段积极塑造自身的地缘环境，破解错综复杂的地缘环境问题，维护中国地缘安全。 Based on the geo-setting theory, an analysis framework of geo-setting is built in this paper, to systematically analyze the dynamic changes of American geo-setting from the geographical environment, the geo-relationships, the geo-structures and the geo-space. The geographical environment gives the United States a favorable geographical location, superior geographical conditions, absolute geo-advantages and the possibility of becoming the most important world power. In the course of its development, American geo-relationships take various forms, such as the confrontation, the competition, the cooperation and the alliance. The geo-structures have important functions. The inverted triangle geo-structure, the multipolar geo-structure, the bipolar geo-structure and the geo-structure of one superpower and multiple big powers have brought the status, the power and the interests for the United States in the geopolitics, the geoeconomics, the geo-culture and other aspects. The geo-ideological structure that the United States faces with the rise of China needs to be renewed urgently. The main geo-space of the United States spans the North America, the Asia, and the Europe, which can be divided into the hinterland, the core geo-space, the ocean geo-space and the peripheral geo-fulcrum. Entering the 21st century, the domestic and international environment in the United States is undergoing profound changes, and its foreign relations and the geostrategy are also showing a new round of changes and adjustments to adapt to the new geo-setting. In the process of China’s peaceful rise, China can actively shape its own geo-setting, solve complicated geo-setting problems and safeguard China’s geo-security by building potential Indian Ocean Passages, building a mutual benefit and win-win "friend circle", and formulating its own geostrategy for development.
2018
- 环境政治中国际非政府组织的角色——基于批判地缘政治的视角 Roles of International Non-Governmental Organizations in Global Environmental Politics: A Critical Geopolitical PerspectiveLiu, Xiaofeng, 王雨, , and 葛岳静,人文地理 2018
国际非政府组织（INGO）在国际环境政治中发挥着日益重要的角色，也是中国"一带一路"走出去的关键影响要素之一。批判地缘政治关注主权国家之外的非政府行为体，同时对权力概念提出了新的理解。借助其思想，本文指出国际环境政治中INGO的作用，并通过尺度-权力框架分析其行动和角色。发现：①INGO在环境等国际公共事务上作用不断凸显；②INGO在多个尺度上通过不同的权力影响环境政治；③INGO与政府存在依赖、合作和对抗等不同的互动关系。因此，应处理好与INGO的关系，借助其独特的权力助力"一带一路"建设。 International non-governmental organizations (INGOs), as a typical non-state actor, play an increasingly crucial role in global environmental political issues despite that sovereign state remains the most important force in contemporary international society. Against the backdrop of the "Belt and Road Initiative", moreover, the activities and advocacies of INGOs may substantially influence the outcomes and processes of Chinese enterprises’ oversea infrastructure construction projects. This paper argues that the roles and strategies of INGOs should be included in the agenda of geopolitical studies. Following this line of inquiry, this paper integrates key geopolitical concepts of scale and power and provides a useful framework for analyzing INGOs. It first reviews the development and basic characteristics of critical geopolitical research and emphasizes that examining the role of INGOs could improve our understanding of the decision-making mechanism of international public affairs, which could also contribute to the literature on critical geopolitics. Then, this paper points out the limitation of state-centrism as well as the emerging influence of INGOs in addressing global environmental issues. Next, this paper illustrates the main strategies of INGOs by unpacking their roles in three spatial scales (i.e., global, national and local) and three power dimensions (i.e., decisional power, discursive power and regulatory power) in the field of global environment politics. Last but not least, the paper pictures INGOs’ relationships with governmental and other non-governmental actors.
- 中美两国海洋依赖性和海洋综合实力的耦合分析 Marine Dependence and Comprehensive Marine Strength of China and America: A Coupling Analysis黄宇, , Liu, Xiaofeng, and 葛岳静,太平洋学报 2018
作为人类的资源宝库、最大的运输通道以及沿海国家的战略缓冲区，海洋对人类发展具有重要作用。当前对海洋的研究多关注国家的海洋综合实力，很少涉及国家的海洋依赖性，更鲜有关注两者的协调情况，因而难以对海洋综合实力的走势做出科学的预估。为此，本文以中美两国为研究对象，构建国家的海洋依赖性和海洋综合实力的评价指标体系和两者的耦合分析模型。结论如下：①国家的海洋依赖性方面，美国近十年逐年下降，中国逐年上升并在2010年超过美国；国家海洋综合实力方面，美国处于较高水平的稳定状态，中国起点低但发展快，与美国差距不断缩小。②十年来国家的海洋依赖性与综合实力耦合程度的降低限制了美国海洋系统的发展，美国已进入海洋战略的收缩阶段。③中国海洋依赖性和海洋综合实力形成良好的耦合关系，对提升国家的海洋影响力和海洋依赖的安全程度是有利的。 As the treasure repository for mankind, the largest transportation corridor, as well as the strategic buffer zone of the coastal states, the ocean plays a significant role in the development of human society. Recent research on the ocean mainly focuses on comprehensive marine strength of countries, and few papers discussed the marine dependence, not to mention the coordination between the two aspects. Therefore, it is difficult to make scientific predictions on the trend of the comprehensive marine strength. The paper takes China and America as research objects, and builds evaluation index systems as well as the coupling analysis model for comprehensive marine strength and marine dependence. The conclusions are: 1) Marine dependence of America dropped consecutively in the recent 10 years, while that of China increased a lot and surpassed America in 2010. Comprehensive marine strength of America is at a steadily high level, while China witnesses a rapid development of comprehensive marine strength, which had a low starting point, and the gap between the two has diminished in the past few years. 2) The descending marine dependence of America appears digressive coupling relationship with the stable comprehensive marine strength, which restricts the development of American ocean system, indicating that America is entering a shrinking stage of marine strategy. 3) The coupling relationship between the two dimensions of China shows a favorable trend, and it is beneficial to promoting Chinese marine influence and ensuring the safety of Chinese marine dependence.
- 中美两国在南美洲的地缘经济格局比较 The Spatio-Temporal Patterns Evolution of Geo-Economy of China and the US in South America马腾, , 葛岳静, , Liu, Xiaofeng, and 黄宇,经济地理 2018
随着经济全球化日趋复杂和中国"一带一路"倡议的国际认同度日益提高,大国间的地缘经济博弈成为影响国际关系的重要因素和手段。南美洲虽然是传统地缘政治理论中的"外围地带",但其独特的地缘政治区位和作为中国"一带一路"拓展方向的战略定位,使其成为中美两国地缘经济博弈的重要地区。文章从投资与贸易两个维度来刻画地缘经济联系的强弱,探讨2000—2015年中美两国在南美洲地缘经济博弈的时空演变和格局差异及其影响因素。主要结论包括:(1)中国与美国对南美洲的经济依赖明显低于南美洲国家对中美两国的经济依赖程度,双边均呈现出不均衡的相互依赖。(2)从时空演进上看,相对于美国,中国在南美洲的地缘经济联系强度的增强呈现出由南向北扩展的趋势,这主要受到地理因素的影响,使得南美洲内部呈现南北差异。(3)中美两国在南美洲地缘经济博弈中,在贸易与投资领域呈现出不同特征,中国侧重于通过投资的方式与美国进行博弈,并从2010年开始在投资方面比美国更具优势,而美国则更加注重保持在南美洲已有的贸易地位。 With the complexification of economic globalization and the promotion of the international recognition to the"Belt and Road"initiation, the geo-economic competition game between big powers has become an important factor affecting international relations. Although South America is a"marginal outskirt area"on the land according to the classical geopolitical theories, its unique geopolitical location and its strategic orientation as an extending area of the"Belt and Road"make it one of the most significant region that China and the United States play the geo-economic competition game on. This paper tries to ascribe the intensity of geo-economy relation from the dimensions of trade and investment. Next, explore the spatio-temporal pattern evolution of the geo-economic competition game between China and the United States in South America from 2000 to 2015 and discuss the differences and the influencing factors. We draw the conclusions as follows: Firstly, China and the United States depend less on South America than South America countries depends on the two countries, both sides presented an imbalance interdependence relation. Secondly, in terms of the spatio-temporal pattern evolution of the competition game, comparing with the United States, China’s geo-economic relationswith South America countries appearsanintensivetendency spreading from the south to the north, which is mainly restricted by geographical factors, separating South America by the Amazon rainforest. Thirdly, among the elements of the geo-economic competition game between China and the United States, international trade and investment have shown different feature. China prefers to compete by investment and appears great advantage on investment to the United States,while the United States lay more emphasis on keeping the international trading dominant status on South America. Base on the discoveries above, we propose the following suggestions. First, China should pay more attention to the cooperation with South America on merchandise trade, especially the commodities that China and South America have higher complementarity. Second, when striving for bigger economic shares, China need to take differentiation strategy on different countries and avoid head-on confrontation with the United States. Finally, in addition to deepening economic cooperation, China can explore new areas of cooperation in trade and economic sectors with South America.
2017
- 国家距离与中国企业在 “一带一路” 投资区位选择 Inter-country Distance and Chinese Companies’ Choice of Location along the Belt and RoadLiu, Xiaofeng, 葛岳静, , and 赵亚博,经济地理 2017
“一带一路”战略的推进助力中国企业“走出去”，国家距离是对外投资区位决策的重要影响因素之一。文章综合地理、文化、经济、政治、知识、外交和与全球连接等方面的国家距离，通过相关和回归分析探讨中国与“一带一路”沿线国家距离与中国企业“走出去”区位选择的关系。发现：①中国企业对沿线投资设厂的区域差异较大，规模从大到小依次为：东南亚、蒙俄、西亚北非、中亚、南亚、中东欧。②综合的国家地缘距离与中国OFDI表现为显著的负相关。③除全球连接距离对中国OFDI有不显著的正向作用外，其他国家距离都表现为负向作用，其中经济和外交距离的负向作用最显著。文章认为对沿线投资应以国家距离为参考，找准投资着力点，并积极缩小地缘距离，以节约投资成本，克服投资阻力。
- “一带一路” 沿线国家油气资源分布格局及其与中国合作中的相互依赖关系 Analysis of the oil and gas resource distribution pattern along the Belt and Road and the interdependence relationship with China赵亚博, , Liu, Xiaofeng, and 葛岳静,地理研究 2017
油气资源合作是“一带一路”倡议的重要内容。分析“一带一路”沿线国家油气资源的分布格局,并采用保障度、依赖度、相互依赖度等指标,对2000年以来中国与沿线国家油气合作中的相互依赖关系进行解析。研究发现：沿线国家的油气资源在空间上形成了以俄罗斯和中东为双中心的分布格局,区域上主要集中在西亚、北非19国和蒙俄地区,国别上的前三位分别是沙特阿拉伯、伊朗、伊拉克和伊朗、俄罗斯、卡塔尔;石油合作中,沙特阿拉伯、俄罗斯对中国的保障度较高,而蒙古、阿曼、也门则极度依赖于中国,除沙特阿拉伯与俄罗斯外,其他国家均处于相对被动地位;天然气合作中,土库曼斯坦在对中国高保障度的同时也极度依赖于中国,而除卡塔尔与俄罗斯外,其他国家均处于相对被动地位。由此,中国应采取差异化策略、借力亚投行平台、加强与沿线国家的互联互通、打造油气合作共同体等方式以促进沿线油气合作。 The Belt and Road Initiative is not only a global strategy of China, but also a win-win Chinese scheme to promote global cooperation. To create a mutual beneficial nonzero and new game pattern, it is an international cooperation strategy to take the economic trade as the carrier, the global interconnection as the core concept and the mutual benefit as the basic purpose. The space mismatch and imbalance of the production and consumption as well as the supply and demand of oil and gas resource promote the cross-region cooperation on oil and gas. As China is the largest energy consumer and import country in the world, studies on the oil and gas cooperation between China and the countries along the Belt and Road are of great significance to promote the Belt and Road construction and to guarantee the oil and gas security of China. What is status of the energy relationship between China and the countries along the route? And what is spatial pattern formed? These are the questions that this paper attempts to answer. Firstly, this paper analyzes the distribution pattern of oil and gas along the route. Subsequently, indexes like guarantee degree, dependency degree and interdependence degree are applied to examine the interdependence relationship between China and the countries along the route on oil and gas. Finally, the conclusions are drawn as follows: (1) The spatial distribution of oil and gas resources along the route presents a pattern with two centers of Russia and the Middle East. (2) The main distribution areas are concentrated in 19 countries in Western Asia, the Middle East, Mongolia and Russia, of which Saudi Arab, Iran, Iraq and Iran, Russia, and Qatar are top countries with the most abundant oil and gas. (3) In terms of oil cooperation, the guarantee degree of Saudi Arab and Russia to China is relatively high, while Mongolia, Oman and Yemen are extremely dependent on China. Except Saudi Arab and Russia, most countries are passive in the oil relationship with China. (4) As for the gas cooperation, Turkmenistan is both of high guarantee degree and high dependency degree on China. Most countries, except Qatar and Russia, are passive in the gas relationship with China. Based on the above result, the paper proposes the following suggestions: China should adopt different strategies on different types of countries with the aid of the platform of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), promote oil and gas cooperation with countries along the route by strengthening the interconnection and building cooperation community. Besides, strengthening the intensity of investment and purchase of oil and gas resources in the countries along the Belt and Road can provide long-term guarantee for the oil and gas security of China. What’s more, enhancing the sea defense is another approach to guarantee the oil and gas security as well as the transport passages, ensuring sailing safety and achieving a security pattern that it is safe to both land and sea.
- The spatial differentiation of the coupling relationship between urbanization and the eco-environment in countries globally: A comprehensive assessmentZhao, Yabo, Wang, Shaojian, Ge, Yuejing, Liu, Qianqian, and Liu, XiaofengEcological modelling 2017
Urbanization constitutes a key issue for global economic development, especially in developing countries, not least because this process is placing increasing pressure on the eco-environment. A better understanding of the global coupling relationship between urbanization-environment system is therefore of profound significance. Thus, the present paper investigates this relation on account of the data collected from the World Bank for 209 countries and regions all over the world, for the year 2014. We established an integrated evaluation index system and a dynamic coupling coordination degree (CCD) model in order to conduct this empirical study. The main results are following: (1) Economic urbanization is the heaviest factors in the urbanization sub-system, and so does the eco-environment level in eco-environmental sub-system, therefore these 2 factors have a decisive function in realizing the coordinated development of the urbanization process and the eco-environment; (2) CCD values vary widely between countries and regions, both quantitatively and spatially. At both the global and the continental scale, CCD values indicate that the “utmost development” phase has been reached, and at both scales, the classification of countries and regions into 4 CCD evolution stages indicated a pattern of “more in the middle and less at the ends” (with the exception of in Europe and South America). Further, at the global scale, CCD values displayed a “higher in the northern hemisphere and lower in southern; higher in western hemisphere and lower in eastern” spatial distribution pattern, while distribution patterns varied between continents; (3) Whilst income levels do not maintain a linear relation with CCD, they remains an important determinant—higher income levels tend to indicate a more harmonious coordination coupling relationship, and lower income levels tend to indicate the opposite. The findings in this study would be useful to identify the geographical distribution pattern of the coupling relation globally, assisting in the promotion of coordinated development and the realization of sustainable development goals in the future.
- 中国高铁外交的地缘空间格局 Geopolitical space of China’s high-speed railway diplomacy黄宇, , 葛岳静, , 马腾, , and Liu, Xiaofeng地理科学进展 2017
高铁的空间运送能力极强,但建设耗资巨大,并因此对地缘经济和地缘政治产生着迅速而深远的影响,也使得高铁的贸易格局兼具国际政治和外交属性。中、日、德、法是目前主要的高铁出口国,在国际高铁市场上竞争激烈。本文从地缘政治的"空间—权力"视角出发,基于对国家发展的安全利益、发展利益和影响利益逻辑,综合考量高铁修建的基础条件、高铁出口竞争国的空间利益格局、中国的竞争优势等方面,采用空间叠加分析方法,尝试得出中国“高铁外交”的地缘空间及合作方式。主要结论为：①中国“高铁外交”的优先发展空间主要包括俄罗斯、哈萨克斯坦、印度、泰国、越南、马来西亚、印度尼西亚、澳大利亚、韩国、美国和巴西等国;②中国与美、韩、俄、哈、澳5国可展开多层次的高铁合作,与印、泰、越、印尼4国可从发电、输变电等前期工程开始合作,与巴西、马来西亚两国可根据市场需求先进行前期的工程合作;③除高铁优先发展空间外,吉尔吉斯斯坦、塔吉克斯坦、巴基斯坦、孟加拉国、缅甸、老挝、柬埔寨等国可在充分考虑市场需求和风险的前提下融资、投资和承建;④在中国利益重点区域之外,从高铁修建的经济利益出发,在经济基础较好且已有铁路合作的国家进一步进行高铁合作可行性较大,如罗马尼亚、爱沙尼亚、波兰、匈牙利、塞尔维亚、白俄罗斯等国。 With its extremely strong transportation capability and tremendous cost of construction, high-speed railway not only brings rapid and significant effects on geo-economics and geopolitics, but also extends its trade pattern into the domains of international politics and diplomacy. China, Japan, Germany, and France are the major exporters of high-speed railway and all get involved in a keen competition in the international high-speed railway market. From the power and space perspectives of geopolitics and based on the national interests of security, development, and international influence, this article adopts an overlay analysis of the construction conditions, spatial interest pattern of exporting competitors, and China’s competitive advantage, to demonstrate the geopolitical space and cooperation methods of China’s high-speed railway diplomacy. The conclusions are as follows. First, the priority space of China’s high-speed railway diplomacy includes Russia, Kazakhstan, India, Thailand, Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia, Australia, South Korea, the United States, and Brazil; Second, China can develop a multi-level cooperation with the United States, South Korea, Russia, Kazakhstan, and Australia. We also suggest that cooperation with other candidate countries should start with pre-engineering projects such as power generation and transmission. It is possible to cooperate with Brazil and Indonesia by pre-project engineering cooperation based on market demand. Third, in addition to cooperate with countries in the priority space, China can provide financial aid to Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia and other countries with careful consideration of the high-speed railway market demand and risk. Finally, considering only the economic interest, other countries with existing railway project cooperation may be the potential high-speed railway cooperators, such as Romania, Belarus, Estonia, Poland, Hungary, and Serbia.
2016
- 多种文学地理学研究路径的交汇以什刹海地区文学作品分析为例周尚意, , and Liu, Xiaofeng临沂大学学报 2016